Could the London attacks turn out to be Britain’s
Madrid in their political outcome too? National
leaders, as George W. Bush appreciated after
‘winning the trifecta” on 9/11, customarily enjoy a
no-lose situation when their own follies abroad stir
up horrors at home. The Spanish people, linking the
Madrid attack to deceitful authorities who followed
Bush into a profoundly unpopular war, dumped their
government the first chance they got. The electoral
result shocked cynical pundits who expected fearful
citizens to rally around the very leaders who had
endangered them because, after all, who else can
protect them? That excruciating bind usually works
beautifully to keep knaves in office, but it did not
do so in Spain. Tony Blair and even George W. Bush,
may well wonder if the world, as they know it, is
going mad and if they are going to become political
casualties, instead of beneficiaries, of the vaunted
‘war on terrorism.’
Just last May the British conducted a general
election whose most important aspect, ironically,
may be how an explosive government memo ultimately
shakes up the US. Tony Blair hung on to his
precarious premiership despite his Labour majority
shrinking by some hundred seats (and overall vote
falling to 36%). The American mainstream media now
are doggedly doing their best not to notice a
colossal ‘smoking gun’ thrust into plain sight at
the time. What happened is that Blair suffered a
leak of a July 2002 government memo (‘minutes’ is
the technical term) affirming both the casual
mendacity of Bush and the pushover pliability of
Blair himself as to a pre-determined assault on
Iraq. A protective US media dutifully filters out
bad news about Bush (a CNN co-founder recently
endorsed "the right of the Pentagon to lie when it
is in the country's best interest to lie," which
only the Pentagon apparently is fit to determine)
but cannot seem to suppress news of the scandalous
British memo.
As for the British election, antiwar activists could
hardly have asked for a better result, one
calibrated to repudiate a Blairist love for markets
and tagging along with Bush while lifting "old
Labour" leftists into a strong bargaining position
inside government. Blair consequently is unlikely to
stay in office beyond 2006, and the bombings appear
only to assure his departure.
Blair's lies, which originate in his crony Bush's
lies, came unerringly home to roost. On March 13
Blair was asked about a leaked memo written by
advisor David Manning in March 2002 wherein Manning
assured Yanks that "you would not budge in your
support for regime change." Blair denied he said it.
Manning's memo, however, says: "[to Condoleezza
Rice] that you would not budge in your support for
regime change but you had to manage a press, a
Parliament, and a public opinion that was very
different [from] anything in the States." In other
words, the British public, like Americas, could
indeed be manipulated, but required a different and
slightly more sophisticated style of deceit.
That
spillage was bad enough for Blair. But no leak
surpasses that of the minutes taken by a national
security aide to Blair in July 2002 showing Bush as
dead set on invasion. The “Downing Street memo,’ as
it is called, found Bush "wanted to remove Saddam,
through military action, justified by the
conjunction of terrorism and WMD.” So “intelligence
and facts were being fixed around the policy [and
it] seemed clear that Bush had made up his mind to
take military action, even if the timing was not yet
decided." (US and UK air strikes on Iraq doubled in
late 2002 and early 2003 to provoke Saddam into some
rash action.) This memo confirms what
counter-terrorism expert Richard Clarke and former
Treasury secretary Paul O'Neill attested earlier
about unscrupulous White House hijinks.
Internet news sources, maverick columnists and a
left-liberal radio station are keeping the story
alive. Over one hundred US representatives and nine
US senators had lined up by July to publicize the
memo. A demonstration is planned for September 24 in
Washington DC to demand Congress investigate the
memo and its implications. (Another London anti-war
demonstration is planned two days earlier.) Even the
Washington Post, of all newspapers, turned up
the heat by reporting that National Security Council
staff in the run-up to war were busy trawling for
any shred of evidence that Saddam might possess WMD
because the staff knew their case was so feeble.
After all the needless carnage inflicted in Iraq,
why should reprisals come as much of a surprise?
One watches with an
acute sense of déjà vu UK Prime Minister Tony
Blair demonstrating a state of denial as to how
British Muslims feel about Iraq, Afghanistan,
Palestine and, yes, local conditions. This conceit
– ‘Tony knows best’ – breeds bad consequences. There
are predictable projects afoot to analyze captured
bombers so as to nab anyone remotely fitting their
‘profile’ – a terribly counterproductive
‘solution’, but one that commends itself to a
government insistently blind to the domestic
consequences of its foolish and dishonest
intervention in Iraq. Most British citizens are not
as gullible and systematically misinformed as
Americans. Polls after the 7 July bombings, and 21
July attempted bombings too, show that 2 of 3
Britons strongly suspect that the suicide attacks
are related to the unjustified Iraq war. It was
rare to hear anyone say, “Why us?” (Indeed, the July
28 announcement by the Provisional IRA of its intent
to disarm also reminded every Londoner of their long
history of terrorist experiences.)
Blair, averse to dealing seriously with young
Muslims, instead summoned a group of eager-to-please
imams who often did not even understand the language
of British born brethren. So occupying a cozy spot
at the hearth in 10 Downing Street is the Muslim
Council of Britain, led largely by folks Blair
either nominated to the House of Lords or knighted.
From these highly obliging quarters Blair gets happy
talk reports in a perfectly circular way containing
only what he wants to hear. The frightened clerics
lecture whomever shows up that suicide bombs, and
indeed any form of terrorism, violates Koranic
principles. That is splendid, so far as it goes.
Yet if suicide bombers are ‘perpetrators of evil,”
then how does one characterize invader armies in the
Middle East utilizing high tech weapons that kill
and maim civilians in droves? If their weapons are
expensive enough and kill at a sufficient distance,
does it make the soldiers or their political leaders
morally superior to someone wrapping homemade
explosives around their waist? The Blair-approved
battalion of scholars and half-educated clerics do
not dare say that today evil is fighting evil, that
one form of destruction is as vile as the other, or
that each form of violence drives the other on to
greater horrors.
In
Britain a new climate of fear stems not only from
suicide bombs, but also from an extremely edgy
‘shoot-to-kill’ government and from vengeful
elements of the public (with personal assaults on
Muslims up sixfold since 7/7).
So clerics say whatever suits the government, which
is hardly going to win credibility in their
communities. Indeed, a few clueless clerics stray
into the realm of unadulterated black humour. Abu
Khadeejah Abdul-Whaid, an Islamic scholar, according
to The Guardian, deplored ‘the combination of
human rights laws and constant media attention which
allegedly gave exiled radicals a platform to ‘preach
evil’ for over a decade. So we behold a stern
Islamic scholar inside a western democracy deriding
human rights – not a rousing democratic message –
although authoritarian leanings in this regard seem
to please Blair.
It
gets even weirder. More than a hundred imams had
been welcomed by the UK prison service into jails
where they converted sundry inmates to the
serenities of Islam, including ‘shoe bomber’ Richard
Reed and at least one accused London bomber who
obviously decided they were more Islamic than the
eager imams. (Former Tory minister Jonathan Aitken
during his imprisonment claims that imams even tried
to convert him.) Now nervous UK authorities, after
sober second thoughts, are removing Muslim clerics
from conversion opportunities. Yet the same
authorities consult the same clerics as to how to
quell worrisome extremist tendencies among young
Muslims at large. It’s a comical spectacle, were it
not so sad.
These desperate government maneuvers – together with
ham-handed police ‘profiling’ – antagonize, not
sooth, fretful young Muslims. It is not that
government initiatives to improve community
relations are wrong; the problem is that they are
incomplete and, worse, come across as insincere. The
crystal clear message of the fatal shooting of an
unlucky Brazilian by the police, on the other hand,
is that it is open season on anyone authorities even
imagine is suspicious. Anyone back from holiday with
a deep tan needs to be mighty careful. This is no
way to tamp down apprehensions or curb recruitment
to extremism. Young Muslim men and women we speak to
are scared.
The many young Muslims who, for example, helped
elect MP George Galloway last May, will stay
peacefully enough on the left, but some others are
susceptible to extremists. They are the people who
must be reached, as Galloway himself stressed.
Indeed, extremist Muslims fiercely opposed Galloway,
an antiwar coalition leader and stout defender of
minority rights, by claiming that Islam forbade
voting, period. Most British-born Bangladeshis, a
majority in his area, supported Galloway, whose
RESPECT party includes in its coalition the Muslim
Association of Britain and the Socialist Workers
Party, while RESPECT candidate, Lindsey German, came
in second in a neighboring and mostly Muslim
constituency. Galloway overturned a ten thousand
vote Labour majority and the result underlined the
breakaway of young Muslims from the staid voting
patterns of their elders. One boon is that this
shift to left-leaning parties reduces any appeal
that fundamentalists exert. The East End boasts a
long tradition of immigrant ethnic groups favoring
progressive politics, stretching back to Jewish
refugees from Europe who settled there and fought
Oswald Mosley’s fascists in the 1930s.
The
Blair government clings to a convenient notion that
bombers are motivated solely by a psychopathic
hatred of the West. This self-serving version of
reality makes it easier to hide behind a hard-line
stance and, as a bonus, to persist in a dirty and
daft foreign war. Yet the British secret service MI
5 itself refuted Blair by stating that “Iraq is a
dominant issue for a range of extremist groups and
individuals in the UK and Europe.’ Chatham House
foreign policy researchers issued a report that came
to quite the same conclusion. Outside the Blair
government, democracy in Britain, to Blair’s
discomfort, still functions in some praiseworthy
ways.
An
internal threat certainly exists. One must
cultivate dialogue not only with hand-picked Muslims
but with leaders of new groups, especially youth
groups, and even more widely with antiwar groups,
who happen to be a sizable section of the Labour
Party itself. Dissident Labour MPs are nearly as
ignored by Blair’s cabinet as are Muslim youths.
Blair also ought to resist saying suicide bombers
are all alike. The proposition is not remotely
persuasive here. Young Muslim people, who oppose and
are horrified at bombings in London often understand
what drives Palestinians to the most desperate
measures given the odds they face.
Blairspeak, a rigid Orwellian rhetorical style,
stems from a lazy establishment habit of treating
terrorism as a category devoid of context and
circumstance. Aren’t all suicide bombers crazy? In
the 1950s movie Exodus, we recall Paul Newman’s
character saying proudly that Jewish refugees had a
big advantage over opponents: they fought for a
cause – a new state of Israel – for which they were
prepared to die. Aren’t Palestinians fighting for a
cause? There are of course demented zealots
slinking around but one also needs to recall they
commonly are the shining products of Deobandi sect
madrassas in the Muslim world financed originally by
the Saudis and Western intelligence agencies to turn
out fervent cannon fodder for an anti-Soviet Afghan
war. Afterward, they went hunting for different
infidels. Once brainwashed, they can’t be switched
on and off.
There is no shortage of sensible Brits who approach
grisly events with care and reason. London Mayor
Ken Livingston invited the Egyptian-born Islamic
scholar Yusif Qaradawi from Qatar, who condemned the
London bombs but pointedly declined to criticize
Middle East suicide bombs. Livingston stood by
Qaradawi in the face of rabid tabloid rage.
Swiss-born Professor Tariq Ramadan promotes liberal
religious opinions but, as a grandson of the founder
of the Muslim Brotherhood, was prevented by the
State Department from taking up an American academic
appointment. Yet Scotland Yard helped finance a
seminar recently where he spoke. These are
personages who can talk to Muslims abroad, credibly
and prudently. Ken Livingston and Scotland Yard
realize this, but Blair and his inner circle just
don’t get it, and don’t want to. It would mean
admitting that Iraq is a gory travesty, and was from
the beginning.
Yet, deep down, we suspect a key reason most
newspaper editors refuse to hold Blair partly
responsible for the London bombings and, in the US,
yawned at the British memo is because of sheer
boredom over yet more examples of the devious ways
that high level policy really works. Spilling blood
and wasting billions is less reprehensible than
staining Monica Lewinsky's dress. Deceit, ho-hum, is
a government tradition. Recall the memo the Reagan
administration concocted in 1981 to implicate tiny
El Salvador (and Nicaragua) as a dire Communist
threat, although it was rapidly debunked in those
somewhat hardier journalistic days. But let’s skip
over intervening episodes of wretched lies to the
grisliest intervention of all: Vietnam
In 1965 Hans Morgenthau, a classic hard-headed
realist, shredded the US official report:
"Aggression from the North: The Record of North
Vietnam's Campaign to conquer the South." Morgenthau
retorted: 'while normally foreign and military
policy is based on intelligence – that is, the
objective assessment of facts – the process here is
reversed: a new policy has been decided upon, and
the intelligence must provide the facts to justify
it." A civil war in the South was redefined by US
elites as a war of "foreign aggression."
The goal was "to pour in forces and munitions and
prop up the corrupt South Vietnam state.” It was the
"white paper's purpose to present that proof,"
despite a "grotesque" discrepancy between facts and
assertions. Morgenthau lamented that, "the document
showed a tendency to conduct foreign and military
policy not on their merits, but as exercises in
public relations. The government fashions an
imaginary world that pleases it, and then comes to
believe in the reality of that world and acts as
though it were real." Last year in the New York
Times a smug (if not insane) Bush official was
quoted as mocking people who live in a
“reality-based” world whereas the Bush people create
their own higher reality and impose it on everyone
else. Iraq, of course, is the nemesis.
In
the UK Blair invokes “our values” tirelessly, but
just what cherished values is he citing? The values
of bombing Iraq whenever it pleases certain Western
powers? Is he celebrating the bedrock values of
Western democracy? Then why aren’t Scandinavia,
Germany, or France bombed too? Might it perchance
be because they are not implicated in Iraq? Or is
Blair talking about defense of hard-won civil
liberties? If so, then Osama bin Laden so far is
winning with ease as Blair, like Bush in Patriot Act
America, continues to throw away liberties and
brings his nation down to bin Laden’s level. Bush,
meanwhile, brays about “freedom” (for entrepreneurs,
and no one else), depicts insurgents as all Saddam
loyalists, and ignores the misdeeds, to say the
least, of a colonial US military force (as 14
permanent bases are built to protect American
control of oil) who routinely “regret any
inconvenience" they cause. Yet "the facts are what
they are," Morgenthau warned, "and they take a
terrible vengeance on those who disregard them." The
London attack is, we fear, a tiny part of the price.
For Morgenthau the only sensible answer to this grim
entanglement was to withdraw. Eventually the US did.
The US (and the UK) will again. But after what toll
is exacted?