When Kurt Vonnegut
finally finished Timequake one decade ago, the
exasperated writer claimed that he would never write
another book. Technically, he still hasn’t. In 1999’s
Bagombo Snuff Box, Vonnegut merely collected several
short stories he’d previously written and in 2001’s
God Bless You, Dr. Kevorkian, he simply published a
few short pieces he’d performed on a New York City
public radio station. Like its two most recent
predecessors, A Man Without A Country is a
collection of largely previously-published work, the
vast majority of which appeared in the pages of the
alternative newsmagazine In These Times between
2003 and 2005.
Vonnegut, currently a chain-smoking octogenarian,
secured a place for himself in the canon of postmodern
American literature by fearlessly tackling such subjects
as aging, death, war, mental illness, existentialism,
and humanism. From his concern with the dehumanizing
mechanization of American society in Player Piano
to his examination of war and mass destruction in
Slaughterhouse-Five, Kurt Vonnegut has never failed
to share his opinions on sensitive and important topics.
With unflinching honesty, Vonnegut has swept away the
fanciful illusions (“foma,” to the adherents of the
author’s fictional Bokononist faith in Cat’s Cradle)
under whose umbrage we hide from the world’s
uncomfortable realities in an effort to show us the
necessity of his own radically sane humanism. Not unlike
Eliot Rosewater in God Bless You Mr. Rosewater,
Vonnegut’s voice has traditionally been a gentle one as
he has guided us through worlds devoid of free will,
full of violence, and populated by lunatics only to
reveal to us, in the end, that these alien places are,
in fact, just outside our living room windows.
Although
his fictional output has always taken the spotlight,
Vonnegut’s essays have regularly appeared in the pages
of magazines throughout his career. Characterized by the
same bold thematic exploration as his novels and short
stories, Vonnegut’s non-fiction (largely collected in
Wampeters, Foma, and Granfalloons) has always sought
to examine the most pressing of contemporary issues from
the perspective of a liberal freethinker. Not
surprisingly, Vonnegut’s tone throughout A Man
Without A Country is consistent with that of the
left-leaning publication in which many of the sketches
originally appeared. Although he touches upon such
diverse subjects as American history, science, the craft
of fiction, and the paramount importance of creative
work in maintaining what little happiness there is in
the world, the topic around which A Man Without A
Country seems to revolve is contemporary politics.
Unfortunately, whereas Vonnegut’s insights about humor,
humanism, aging, and art are touchingly tender, his
political ideas tend to fall flat and sound immature.
Indeed, while Vonnegut devotes many pages to criticizing
George W. Bush as President, he adds next to nothing to
our collective perception of the current political
milieu in the United States.
Vonnegut
pulls the reader along as he tramps down all the
well-trod liberal critiques of the contemporary American
political stage: Fox News is a punch line, “the three
most powerful men on the planet [are] named Bush, Dick,
and Colon,” Americans are addicted to oil, and the war
in Iraq is not a just war (40). Offering nothing beyond
the same jokes one might find in the monologues
preceding late-night talk shows, Vonnegut’s jokes almost
elicit the same forced canned laughter used to disguise
a studio audience’s lackluster response to a gag which
bombed during taping.
Of
course, given the frequency of President Bush’s
political faux pas—his recent use of the term
“Islamic fascist” in place of “militant Islamic
fundamentalist” when describing the suspects in August’s
London airport scare, for instance, being only the
latest in a long string of poorly-orchestrated public
maneuvers—views such as Vonnegut’s are anything but
unjustified. This, however, is hardly the point. Kurt
Vonnegut, for better or for worse, has established
himself as one of America’s most strikingly original
novelists, one whose bravely rational voice sounds both
zany and utterly fresh in today’s loony world. As a
result, Vonnegut’s readers expect more from the author
of Slaughterhouse-Five and Cat’s Cradle
than the simple repetition of criticisms already made
countless times before by commentators considerably less
insightful than he. Had his language not been so similar
to that of his critical predecessors and had his
comments on George W. Bush been as
thoughtfully-delivered as those he shares regarding Karl
Marx’s oft-quoted “religion is the opiate of the masses”
as a casual truism rather than a strict dictum, for
instance, there would be reason to praise Vonnegut’s
political message (12).
On the
other hand, I suppose, one might effectively make a case
for Vonnegut’s use of potshots and Borscht-Belt zingers
as evidence of George Bush’s utter failure as a leader,
a figurehead, and a spokesperson. The argument, I
imagine, would be that even Kurt Vonnegut—a man never at
a loss for words—cannot dignify the man with a more
thoughtful critique. I am not, however, a Vonnegut
apologist and cannot help but feel disappointed by the
author’s simple addition of his voice to an already
dense chorus. For me, A Man Without A Country
would be stronger if Vonnegut stuck to his otherwise
successful mélange of endearingly sardonic one-liners,
fascinating and fresh perspectives on historical events,
and humorously sensitive autobiographical sketches
without the shooting-fish-in-a-barrel Bush-bashing. It
strikes me that, when one writes in a
preaching-to-the-choir tone, he or she fails to
communicate with those people most in need of
proselytizing. Having already heard that George Bush,
Jr. is a recovering alcoholic whose famous lineage
enabled him to party his way through an Ivy League
school and into government from innumerable sources, we
do not need Kurt Vonnegut to tell us the same thing. We
need Kurt Vonnegut to tell us the things that only Kurt
Vonnegut can express.
Fortunately, A Man Without A Country is not
limited to the author’s trite—though
impassioned—political commentary. The collection opens
with Vonnegut’s earliest memories of joke-telling. As
the youngest child, he tells us, humor enabled him “to
break into an adult conversation” (2). Humor, Vonnegut
goes on to say, helped ease the heavy hearts suffering
through the Great Depression just as it helped him and
his fellow prisoners of war survive the firebombing of
Dresden. Identifying laughter as the cathartic release
humans need to overcome tragedy and fear, Vonnegut
differentiates between the safe, “superficial sort of
laughter” Bob Hope induced and the deep belly-laughs
inspired by Laurel and Hardy (4). Whereas the former
made a living “never mentioning anything troubling,” the
latter duo embodied terrible tragedy: they were “too
sweet to survive in this world…[t]hey could so easily be
killed” (4). Ultimately, it is the union of genuine
laughter and terrible tragedy that interests Vonnegut
most in A Man Without A Country and yields his
most insightful writing.
In fact,
by the time Vonnegut explicitly informs us that, for
him, “humor doesn’t work anymore” as “a way of holding
off how awful life can be,” we have already begun to
sense that Vonnegut’s real message—what was behind the
anti-Bush ranting, too—was simply to notice happiness on
those rare occasions it crept through all the pollution,
hatred, ignorance, and terror slowly killing our planet
(128).
Once we
recognize that Vonnegut’s bitterness is less the ranting
of a cantankerous old man than the pleading of a kindly
grandfather for his descendents to reconcile their feuds
and build friendships before he takes his leave of them,
we’re able to enjoy A Man Without A Country; the
didactic, occasionally self-important tone retreats,
belying Vonnegut’s empathy, compassion and concern. Kurt
Vonnegut fears that he can no longer be funny because
the world is just too horrible a place for humans to
live. He laments the loss of his close friends who have
passed away. He worries about humans destroying a
life-supporting planet through war and the use of fossil
fuels. He’s saddened by greedy psychopaths assuming more
and more positions of power. He’s upset that creative
and imaginative activity has been replaced by mass
entertainment. In other words, Kurt Vonnegut feels bad
for us; he simply wants us to live in and for a better
world.
Yet,
despite the brooding cynicism, acerbic criticism, and
sense of entropy Vonnegut’s book exudes, the author
still manages to make his readers smile. He may be
preaching to the converted, but he does so to make those
people he agrees with feel less alone in their
convictions. Taking cues from humanist friends and
family members, socialist leaders, and medical
idealists, Vonnegut tries to show us how life ought
to be lived to those of us likely to be living long
after the author ceases to do so. In a series of
miniature portraits appearing intermittently throughout
the text, Vonnegut presents the many “saints” in whose
footsteps the author wishes more people would follow.
The first saint Vonnegut places before us, a
Harvard-educated socialist named Powers Hapgood, gave up
his inherited fortune to better the lives of the working
poor. When a judge presiding over a minor picketing case
in which Hapgood played a role asked the man why, given
the advantages he’d had in life, he chose to live in
poverty and among uneducated laborers, Hapgood
responded: “Why, because of the Sermon on the Mount,
sir” (14). Heeding Christ’s advice, for Vonnegut,
amounts to sainthood and makes for a better world.
Elsewhere, Vonnegut describes the plight of his hero, a
Hungarian obstetrician named Ignaz Semmelwies.
Semmelweis, Vonnegut tells us, single-handedly changed
the way doctors regarded personal hygiene when
delivering babies. Despite rousing the ire of his
colleagues, Semmelweis insisted that his fellow doctors
wash their hands prior to delivering a child.
Immediately, the rate of women dying of childbed fever
plummeted from one-in-ten to practically zero. For
Vonnegut, the fact that Semmelweis persisted in
implementing hygienic standards despite the fact that
his colleagues ostracized him for doing so made the
doctor a saint. The honorable self-sacrifice exhibited
by Semmelweis, Vonnegut informs us, is necessary to
combat the selfish avarice of those people running the
world today.
Ultimately, Vonnegut cannot express precisely what he
hopes to convey with A Man Without A Country.
Instead, it is Vonnegut’s son, a pediatrician, who puts
into words the mentality Jesus Christ and Ignaz
Semmelweis embody: “we are here to help each other get
through this thing, whatever it is” (66). It is
humanism, then, that Vonnegut advocates in the end.
The
message may not be profound, but it need not be. What
Vonnegut does with A Man Without A Country is
simply reaffirm what he has been writing for years:
wisdom lies in common sense and basic human decency, but
human beings keep neglecting to pursue it. For the
Vonnegut fan, then, A Man Without A Country is
exactly what they have come to expect of the author:
silly hand-drawn pictures, deceptively simple prose, and
a whole lot of kindness guised in wit.
Erik Grayson
is
editor of
Stirrings Still: The International Journal of
Existential Literature.